Printable Version - All Stories June 2001

-Commentary by Donald V. Watkins

SIEGELMAN FAILS LEADERSHIP TEST

The May edition of Voter News Network announced a critical review of the leadership skills and job performance of Governor Don Siegelman (D-AL). The first installment addresses leadership skills. Voter News Network measured Siegelman's leadership skills against the following criteria:

1. Does he have vision?
2. Does he demonstrate political courage?
3. Does he possess political integrity?
4. Does he demand accountability?
5. Is he effective in solving problems?

Does Siegelman have vision as Governor?
No one disputes Governor Siegelman's political instincts and skills as a perennial candidate for elected office. He has demonstrated his keen political instincts by successfully campaigning for Secretary of State, Attorney General, Lieutenant Governor and Governor. Running for the top office and governing once you win are two different things. Now that Siegelman is Governor, the real question is: does he have vision? Vision is a plan for governing that meets the states needs, now and for the future.

After more than two years as Governor, the answer to the vision question appears to be no. Siegelman sailed into office on the strength of his lottery pledge. It was the centerpiece of his campaign. Legislators gave Siegelman a chance to get his lottery plan before the people for a vote. It was soundly defeated. Since then, Siegelman has offered little by way of vision.

The "Education Governor" had no backup plan for funding education once the lottery was defeated. He haplessly watched the state's public schools and colleges sink into a huge funding crisis. He has offered no real solutions. Everybody knows that the state's proration problem in education results from our use of sales taxes to fund education. When the economy is down, so is our funding source. What is Siegelman's solution to the problem? Float a bond issue. Borrow more money. This is not a permanent fix to the funding problem for our schools.

Siegelman is turning into nothing more than a crisis manager. Someone who can put a bandage on the problem of the day. He has demonstrated his ability to patch political potholes, whether it's the $100 million short fall in the corporate franchise taxes or the shortage in state troopers on our highways. He rarely has a permanent solution to any crisis. Leaders with vision do.

Does Siegelman demonstrate political courage?
We know that Siegelman possesses political instincts. However, he sorely lacks political courage. Siegelman is smart. He knows that borrowing money is not a real solution to the proration crisis. Changing our tax system is. Siegelman knows that the low number of state troopers patrolling our highways is not acceptable. But, he only acted to address this problem after widespread adverse publicity in the media. He knows about overcrowding in state prisons. He knows all of our problems quite well. Why, then, doesn't Siegelman step forward with real solutions to these and other critical needs? He lacks political courage. Rather than leading the effort to find permanent solutions to these problems, Siegelman is constantly polling. He leads only when the polls say it is safe to do so. Remember, Siegelman was against a rewrite of the state's constitution until the polls said Alabamians favored a new constitution.

Siegelman will not tackle tax reform because he lacks the courage to challenge the powerful special interest groups who guard against changes in our property tax laws. Also, the Alabama Education Association's tag-team of Paul Hubbert and Joe Reed virtually dictate Siegelman's educational policies. Siegelman's political deference to Hubbert and Reed is born out of his belief that they hold a death grip on the Democratic Party's financial and political support systems.

Does Siegelman possess political integrity?
A leader with political integrity says what he means and means what he says. He integrates his words and behavior with his belief system. He keeps his promises even when it costs him political points.

Siegelman's reputation in the political community for saying one thing and doing another is legendary. Capitol insiders constantly complain about Siegelman's willingness to tell virtually every politician what he wants to hear. In late April, for example, he banned tuition increases at state universities as a measure for fighting proration. When some of his political friends complained, he clarified his position on the ban to accommodate so-called regularly scheduled tuition increases. Also, Siegelman was against the constitutional rewrite one month and for it the next month. He also supported the expansion of the Auburn University Board of Trustees to create greater diversity, only to appoint two Bobby Lowder cronies to the expansion seats. Is Siegelman's political word his bond? No.

Does Siegelman demand accountability from subordinates?
Shortly after Siegelman came into office, his public safety director and members of his staff became embroiled in a ticket fixing scandal. This was followed by the issuance of non-bid professional service contracts to his political friends, the issuance of "emergency" contracts for consultants to advise the Governor on policy matters and the circumvention of the legislature's Contract Review Oversight Committee on several occasions. Now, Siegelman's administration is knee-deep in an emerging investigation reportedly involving a questionable warehouse construction deal between the state and G.H. Construction Company, a firm with close ties to Siegelman's top associates. Various published reports disclosed that G.H. Construction was in line for a 12 percent management fee on the $16 million project, though the contract had not been signed. The typical management fee for construction projects of a similar nature is reportedly 3 to 4 percent.

Over the past two years there appears to be a custom and practice by the Siegelman's administration of playing loose and fast with taxpayers' money on questionable projects and contracts. Is the taxpayers' dollar sacred with Siegelman? Not yet.

Is Siegelman effective in solving problems?
Candidate Siegelman was excellent at identifying and discussing the problems facing Alabama. Governor Siegelman is excellent at dodging effective solutions to these problems. In the area of education funding, a recent Capital Survey Research Center poll conducted April 16, 2001, found that 64 percent of 500 adults polled said that they were dissatisfied with the way Siegelman has handled the funding of public education and cuts in public school budgets. The Birmingham News Editorial Page on May 13, 2001, labeled Siegelman's proposed $110 million bond issue for higher education as "goofy." Siegelman has failed to offer any legislative proposals to raise more funds, either temporarily or long-term, that could remedy Alabama's educational funding problems.

Siegelman's ineffectiveness in solving problems is aggravated by his proclivity to micro-manage his cabinet. It is well known inside the Capitol that Siegelman's cabinet appointees are not free to make major decisions without filtering them through a political screen approved by the Governor or his political designees. Micro-management is generally a sign of insecurity in management skills. In this case, it is exacerbating our problems. Who would have believed four months ago that we would still be in a proration crisis with no end in sight? Any leader can solve easy problems, but only strong leaders can effectively solve the hard ones. Has Siegelman, the Governor, been effective in problem solving? No, not when it comes to difficult problems that require courage and leadership.

Siegleman's Midterm Grade
This assessment of Governor Siegelman's first two years in office does not discount the positive accomplishments he has achieved. In many cases, these achievements were in progress before Siegelman took office. Even with these credits, Siegelman, for the reasons stated above, is failing the leadership test. Voter News Network grades Siegelman's overall leadership performance at midterm as D-.

WATKINS RESIGNS ASU TRUSTEE POSITION

After serving nearly eight years on the Alabama State University Board of Trustees, Voter News Network's Publisher, Donald V. Watkins resigned his post on Monday, May 14, 2001. Watkins, whose term on the board would have expired on January 31, 2002, announced his resignation in a letter to Governor Don Siegelman. Watkins plans to spend his time building Voter News Network into a powerful political force by the 2002 political elections.

*Actual Resignation Letter Below*

Governor Don Siegelman
State Capitol
600 Dexter Avenue, Room N-104
Montgomery, AL 36130

RE: Resignation from ASU Board of Trustees

Dear Governor Siegelman:

I regret to inform you that I must resign my position as an ASU trustee, effective immediately. Two events at last Friday's board meeting made it clear to me that my vision for ASU is not shared by a majority of the board now led by Chairlady Catherine Wright, in whom you express confidence, and Dr. Joe L. Reed, whom you reappointed to the board two years ago.

First, the Board's disparate treatment of newly appointed Trustee Herschell Hamilton has caused irreparable damage with key corporate friends of ASU with whom I work on a daily basis around the world. I cannot be a part of any university board that accords white trustees greater rights and respect than black trustees. As you know, Mr. Hamilton, who is black, replaced Lanny Vines, who is white. Both are non-ASU graduates. The Reed-Wright chairmanship team recognized Vines as a trustee for two years. At Friday's meeting, both Reed and Wright led the attack on Mr. Hamilton's standing as a trustee. This portion of the meeting was ugly, unprofessional and embarrassing. Not only is Mr. Hamilton's track record and professional career unassailable, he also works with some of the top business executives who have taken a significant interest in ASU's stadium and museum project. The treatment of Trustee Hamilton constitutes a slap in the face to those executives who unconditionally extended their time, personnel and worldwide resources to ASU.

Second, Chairlady Wright appointed Dr. Reed as Finance Committee Chairman on Friday. Dr. Reed is the staunchest opponent of ASU's move to Division 1-A Football. One of the critical funding steps of the financing plan for elevating ASU to a level of recognized academic excellence was through ASU's stadium and museum project. Dr. Reed has publicly labeled the financing plan that RSA Chief David Bronner termed "brilliant" as "voodoo financing." He has also pledged to do everything in his power to defeat this project. Ms. Wright's appointment of Dr. Reed as Finance Committee Chairman strategically assures that he would have to be included in the ongoing talks and negotiations of the potential corporate sponsorship deals. Dr. Reed's entrenched personal opposition to the project would certainly kill these sponsorship talks. Now that Dr. Reed is Finance Chairman, any further time spent by me on the project would merely be an exercise in futility.

I want to publicly thank former Governor Jim Folsom, Jr. for affording me the opportunity to serve on the ASU Board. I would also like to thank the faculty, staff and students who supported me throughout my 8-year term.

Sincerely,

Donald V. Watkins

DVW/alb

cc: Dr. Roosevelt Steptoe.

ALFRED SEAWRIGHT KNOWN AS "RISING POLITICAL LEADER"

In Alabama, many political observers refer to Alfred Seawright as a "rising political leader with a business background." This made the Montgomery native a prime candidate for a newfound independent political organization, Voter News Network.

As one of the ten organizers during last January's brainstorming session in Tampa, Florida, spearheaded by Donald V. Watkins, Publisher of Voter News Network, Seawright helped to identify ways to create a greater presence for middle class blacks and political independent thinkers. As a result of that meeting, Voter News Network, The Official Voice of Independent Voters, was born. Seawright is credited with creating the program of earmarking $1 million to support candidates in the 2002 elections who understand and support the pocketbook issues endorsed by Voter News Network. Seawright now heads the taskforce that will determine how the organizers will spend the $1 million in the areas of: (1) voter education and registration activities; (2) voter turnout activities; and, (3) campaign contributions for candidates.

Seawright has been a longtime political activist. He has been organizing communities and voter groups for over a decade. He is energetic and focused. Seawright has never been afraid to challenge the political system. He constantly places the concerns of his constituents ahead of his personal interests.

"Voters today are concerned that the issues that affect our lives and the lives of our children are not receiving enough attention from those positioning themselves for elected office", Seawright said. "I want to know from each candidate seeking my vote and financial support, what his or her positions are on the pocketbook issues that concern my customers, staff, community and family. No one seems to care about what we think and how we feel until we hold them politically accountable."

Seawright is President of Medical Place, Incorporated, a medical equipment supplier housed in a new 13,000 square foot office showroom in Montgomery, Alabama. Though his current venue is Alabama, Seawright is preparing to launch a national project that would make Medical Place, Inc. the largest medical supplier in the United States. For over 18 years, Medical Place has supplied medical and laboratory equipment and supplies nationwide. According to Seawright, it's the "support of his employees and the encouragement of his customers" that assures Medical Place a promising future as a national player in the healthcare industry.

Seawright is a self-made businessman. He is a smart and effective entrepreneur. Seawright has made his mark in the business world by creating jobs and delivering value to his customers. His rise in the political world has flowed from his ability to effectively challenge the existing political system.

Q: WHY WOMEN? A: WHY NOT WOMEN?
By Natalie Davis

We keep hearing that Alabama is 47th in this, 45th in that, 50th in something else. Almost all of the indicators point to low levels of commitment when it comes to the whole question of taking care of our people. Whether it's education, children, seniors, or quality of life, Alabama seems to rank at the bottom on a fairly consistent basis. Any number of rationales have been offered-we are a poor state; we are under-taxed; we are under-educated. I have another take on this. I think we would rank better on most of these quality of life indicators if more women were elected to public office in Alabama.

It is no accident that we rank 50th in legislative effectiveness and 50th in the number of women in the Alabama Legislature. This has to do with the inability of our Legislature to make law and public policy which can positively affect the quality of life for all of our citizens. Please do not assume I'm just in a male-bashing mood. I have never made the argument that women are better or smarter. I don't think we are. But I do think we bring a set of rich experiences which, taken together, allow us to see the world differently and create priorities which our fathers, brothers, and husbands, do not share. Women are by and large the caretakers of our society. We birth children, we send them to school, we work with them on their homework, we take care of the health needs of our family, and we take on the burden of caring for our elderly. It is not that men don't share these concerns--of course they do--but they confront them less on a daily basis. We see these problems in ways that differ from our male counterparts.

Would Alabama be different if fifty percent of the Legislature was composed of women? Would we set different priorities? Would we spend more time fixing the education mess than worrying about casinos and video poker? I think the Legislature would be a different place-I even think it would be a better place.

In the 1998 elections in Alabama, we took steps to improve on all of this. To that point, only six women held legislative seats-in 1998, the number nearly doubled to eleven. Let me review what else happened in 1998; I think you'll be surprised. I counted twenty-one different statewide offices on the ballot. From Governor to Attorney General to State Treasurer to State Board of Education, eleven of the seats were won by Democrats and ten by Republicans. Of the eleven won by Democrats, eight were women; only one woman Republican was elected statewide in the 1998 cycle. In the year 2000, some women won again. We are moving in the right direction, but we need to move more quickly.

There are enormous obstacles for women who run for public office in our state. We have interest groups and power brokers who could care less about the bottom line in governing. What they care about is keeping what they have and being sure no one else gets a piece of it. That works against the public interest, and it works against electing women. Women tend to raise embarrassing questions; they almost always seriously challenge the status quo. They see an issue and want to resolve it. That has not been our history, and consequently, power brokers tend to see women as rather threatening.

But if all of us -power brokers and average citizens-are willing to understand that by keeping our eyes on the prize, that is, by thinking beyond our self-interest, we can do better. A number of women will be running for public office in the 2002 elections. Take a look at them. Think whether our state would be better if those woman were elected. Forget whether she is challenging an incumbent. Forget whether she has held public office before. Forget whether she comes from a different part of the state from where you live. Think independently. If we can do that, I think we can elect more women, and if we elect more women, the state will be better for it. All of us -power brokers and average citizens-need to realize that when we keep our eyes on the prize, when we think beyond our self-interest, we can change Alabama forever. Our children will thank us for it.

(Natalie Davis - no relation to Artur Davis - is Professor of Political Science at Birmingham-Southern College. She currently serves as President of THE ALABAMA SOLUTION, a non-partisan organization which supports women running for public office in Alabama.)

MIDDLE CLASS BLACK VOTERS KEY TO VICTORY IN 2002 ELECTIONS
By Artur Davis

Surprisingly strong in numbers, the black upper middle class has surged into prominence this 2002 election cycle. African Americans earning combined incomes between $80,000 and 200,000 are thought to be the only malleable part of the Democratic Party's otherwise impregnable black base. At the same time, upper middle-income blacks are a potentially decisive bloc within the Democratic Party itself. Less anchored to the tyranny of sample ballots than low-income earners of either race, and more likely to vote than most demographic sectors, upper to middle-income blacks will dictate the outcome of a number of Democratic primary contests in the spring of 2002.

So, in light of this emerging strength, is there a consistent blueprint for winning the loyalty of the middle to upper income African American voter? Three propositions come to mind; first, even economically secure black voters typically feel constrained by glass ceilings. Mortgage and lending discrimination are a reality; property values in most black suburban enclaves are stagnant; and blacks in corporate settings are too often relegated to the low-profile roles of human resources and community relations. Therefore, Republican rhetoric about color-blindness is at odds with the black middle class' perception of continuing racial struggle. Robust anti-discrimination remedies, such as stricter federal laws against red-lining in the banking industry, are still popular among affluent blacks.

Second, empty symbolism for this group of voters is of diminishing relevance. Republicans are probably harvesting false gold when they seek to entice affluent black voters with the lure of a few high-profile appointments. At the same time, Democrats miss the mark if they fixate on reparations and expanded voting opportunities for felons-causes that are arguably worthy, but peripheral to the daily conditions of black voters.

Third, relatively affluent black voters still have a strong social conscience. Volunteerism and active church participation are matters of course in even the most well heeled black suburbs; in addition, economic success is only one generation deep in many black households. Therefore, the unmet agenda of mitigating poverty, reducing income inequality, and expanding health care for the uninsured still enjoys wide popular appeal among high income blacks.

It is a mistake to assume that the middle to upper income black voter is fundamentally ideological, or to think that he or she relates to public policy in label-driven terms. At the same time, the persistent Democratic leanings of this voter base are not accidental, and for most affluent blacks, they arise out of sentiments that Democrats are more in line with their world view than Republicans. Republicans are thinking wishfully, and futilely, if they imagine gains among blacks without a commensurate shift in the planks of the Republican platform.

At the same time, Democrats aiming to maintain the loyalty of suburban blacks should recognize a pragmatic strand in the black community. Middle to upper income blacks are not reflexively anti-business; nor are they prone to be less supportive than whites of strict sentences for repeat criminal offenders. The death penalty, to cite another example, is widely disapproved among black social activists, but just as widely supported by affluent blacks. On emerging issues such as partial birth abortions, black professionals are not reliably "liberal" or "conservative" in their outlook. It is no accident that the Democratic politician whose popularity is most enduring among black professionals is none other than the ideological chameleon of our times, Bill Clinton-who wrote welfare's obituary and who governed largely from the center.

A policy agenda crafted to appeal to this new class of black voter might have the following characteristics: it would likely favor an expanded federal presence in the health care field, whether in the form of prescription drug benefits for seniors, or in the form of tax credits for small businesses to expand health insurance coverage. It would be equally supportive of political and judicial efforts to eliminate funding disparities between urban and rural school districts. At the same time, such an agenda would recognize that tax relief, and yes, tax cuts, are not automatically unfair or necessarily examples of Robin Hood in reverse: the marriage penalty, for example, punishes black couples striving toward affluence, and the estate tax in its present form is no benefit for black businesses aspiring to second generation status.

A winning political message, for the upwardly mobile black voter, would avoid empty appeals to racial solidarity while still recognizing the racial character of certain forms of modern injustice. A winning message would undoubtedly echo both the conservative theme of self-reliance and the more progressive mantra of community obligation.

Finally, for the modern, professional black voter, personal character would count. Not character in the clichéd, tabloid sense, but character as a continuing commitment to the public good rather than to individual enrichment. Ethics are not out of fashion.

Some set of candidates, in 2002 and in the future, will get the formula just about right. In the process, the quality of politics and policy will rise up several notches.

(Artur Davis is an Attorney in Birmingham who challenged Congressman Earl Hilliard in the Democratic Primary in 2000.)

DEVIL RAYS NOT FOR SALE, WATKINS EYES OTHER VENTURES

After being highlighted in virtually every major media outlet for his ownership pursuit of Major League Baseball's Tampa Bay Devil Rays, Donald V. Watkins has decided to put the project on the back burner. The Rays had reportedly looked into retaining an investment banker to evaluate the teams' financial future, including the possibility of selling the team. Watkins contacted the team and the league to express his interest in ownership of the franchise. Forbes magazine recently valued the team at $150 million.

An official response was not forthcoming. After setting a deadline for a decision from the team, Watkins received a fax from Rays managing general partner Vince Naimoli saying, "We have not retained an investment banker, but when and if we do, we would certainly make them aware of your letter and provide a copy to them."

Though Watkins still has interest in ownership of a professional sports team, MLB or otherwise, he has switched gears to develop another venture in California. According to Watkins, the California deal does not involve sports.

SPECIAL BULLETIN

LEGISLATIVE SESSION ENDS WITH GOOD NEWS FOR CONSUMERS

State representative William Parker (D-Birmingham) made good on his commitment to consumers to kill two bad pieces of legislation sponsored by the banking and payday lending industries. As promised, Parker defeated a bill that would have reduced residential property owners' one-year statutory right to redeem their property in foreclosure. The legislation would allow large farmers, foresters and ranchers to retain their one-year right of redemption. Parker call this legislation "affirmative action for the rich and powerful", and vowed that it would never see the governors' desk.

Parker also defeated a "legal loan sharking" bill sponsored by the payday lending industry. The legislation would have allowed payday lenders to receive exorbitant returns and rollover fees on small loans to retired and working class Alabamians.

Both victories came after Parker waged a 14-hour, unrelenting fight, with the aid and assistance of key legislative allies on the last day of the Regular Session. Parker has told Voter News Network that his focus in the next session of the legislature will be on capping ATM fees for bank customers. Lawmakers refused to vote on Parker's efforts this session to cap ATM fees.

Inside the Capitol, Parker has earned a reputation for being the number one consumer protection advocate in the legislature. Parker is a first term legislator who has a pro-consumer legislative agenda.


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	Volume 1 Issue 4 - June 2001	Printable Version
-Commentary by Donald V. Watkins SIEGELMAN FAILS LEADERSHIP TEST The May edition of Voter News Network announced a critical review of the leadership skills and job performance of Governor Don Siegelman (D-AL). The first installment addresses leadership skills. Voter News Network measured Siegelman's leadership skills against the following criteria: 1. Does he have vision? 2. Does he demonstrate political courage? 3. Does he possess political integrity? 4. Does he demand accountability? 5. Is he effective in solving problems? Does Siegelman have vision as Governor? No one disputes Governor Siegelman's political instincts and skills as a perennial candidate for elected office. He has demonstrated his keen political instincts by successfully campaigning for Secretary of State, Attorney General, Lieutenant Governor and Governor. Running for the top office and governing once you win are two different things. Now that Siegelman is Governor, the real question is: does he have vision? Vision is a plan for governing that meets the states needs, now and for the future. After more than two years as Governor, the answer to the vision question appears to be no. Siegelman sailed into office on the strength of his lottery pledge. It was the centerpiece of his campaign. Legislators gave Siegelman a chance to get his lottery plan before the people for a vote. It was soundly defeated. Since then, Siegelman has offered little by way of vision. The "Education Governor" had no backup plan for funding education once the lottery was defeated. He haplessly watched the state's public schools and colleges sink into a huge funding crisis. He has offered no real solutions. Everybody knows that the state's proration problem in education results from our use of sales taxes to fund education. When the economy is down, so is our funding source. What is Siegelman's solution to the problem? Float a bond issue. Borrow more money. This is not a permanent fix to the funding problem for our schools. Siegelman is turning into nothing more than a crisis manager. Someone who can put a bandage on the problem of the day. He has demonstrated his ability to patch political potholes, whether it's the $100 million short fall in the corporate franchise taxes or the shortage in state troopers on our highways. He rarely has a permanent solution to any crisis. Leaders with vision do. Does Siegelman demonstrate political courage? We know that Siegelman possesses political instincts. However, he sorely lacks political courage. Siegelman is smart. He knows that borrowing money is not a real solution to the proration crisis. Changing our tax system is. Siegelman knows that the low number of state troopers patrolling our highways is not acceptable. But, he only acted to address this problem after widespread adverse publicity in the media. He knows about overcrowding in state prisons. He knows all of our problems quite well. Why, then, doesn't Siegelman step forward with real solutions to these and other critical needs? He lacks political courage. Rather than leading the effort to find permanent solutions to these problems, Siegelman is constantly polling. He leads only when the polls say it is safe to do so. Remember, Siegelman was against a rewrite of the state's constitution until the polls said Alabamians favored a new constitution. Siegelman will not tackle tax reform because he lacks the courage to challenge the powerful special interest groups who guard against changes in our property tax laws. Also, the Alabama Education Association's tag-team of Paul Hubbert and Joe Reed virtually dictate Siegelman's educational policies. Siegelman's political deference to Hubbert and Reed is born out of his belief that they hold a death grip on the Democratic Party's financial and political support systems. Does Siegelman possess political integrity? A leader with political integrity says what he means and means what he says. He integrates his words and behavior with his belief system. He keeps his promises even when it costs him political points. Siegelman's reputation in the political community for saying one thing and doing another is legendary. Capitol insiders constantly complain about Siegelman's willingness to tell virtually every politician what he wants to hear. In late April, for example, he banned tuition increases at state universities as a measure for fighting proration. When some of his political friends complained, he clarified his position on the ban to accommodate so-called regularly scheduled tuition increases. Also, Siegelman was against the constitutional rewrite one month and for it the next month. He also supported the expansion of the Auburn University Board of Trustees to create greater diversity, only to appoint two Bobby Lowder cronies to the expansion seats. Is Siegelman's political word his bond? No. Does Siegelman demand accountability from subordinates? Shortly after Siegelman came into office, his public safety director and members of his staff became embroiled in a ticket fixing scandal. This was followed by the issuance of non-bid professional service contracts to his political friends, the issuance of "emergency" contracts for consultants to advise the Governor on policy matters and the circumvention of the legislature's Contract Review Oversight Committee on several occasions. Now, Siegelman's administration is knee-deep in an emerging investigation reportedly involving a questionable warehouse construction deal between the state and G.H. Construction Company, a firm with close ties to Siegelman's top associates. Various published reports disclosed that G.H. Construction was in line for a 12 percent management fee on the $16 million project, though the contract had not been signed. The typical management fee for construction projects of a similar nature is reportedly 3 to 4 percent. Over the past two years there appears to be a custom and practice by the Siegelman's administration of playing loose and fast with taxpayers' money on questionable projects and contracts. Is the taxpayers' dollar sacred with Siegelman? Not yet. Is Siegelman effective in solving problems? Candidate Siegelman was excellent at identifying and discussing the problems facing Alabama. Governor Siegelman is excellent at dodging effective solutions to these problems. In the area of education funding, a recent Capital Survey Research Center poll conducted April 16, 2001, found that 64 percent of 500 adults polled said that they were dissatisfied with the way Siegelman has handled the funding of public education and cuts in public school budgets. The Birmingham News Editorial Page on May 13, 2001, labeled Siegelman's proposed $110 million bond issue for higher education as "goofy." Siegelman has failed to offer any legislative proposals to raise more funds, either temporarily or long-term, that could remedy Alabama's educational funding problems. Siegelman's ineffectiveness in solving problems is aggravated by his proclivity to micro-manage his cabinet. It is well known inside the Capitol that Siegelman's cabinet appointees are not free to make major decisions without filtering them through a political screen approved by the Governor or his political designees. Micro-management is generally a sign of insecurity in management skills. In this case, it is exacerbating our problems. Who would have believed four months ago that we would still be in a proration crisis with no end in sight? Any leader can solve easy problems, but only strong leaders can effectively solve the hard ones. Has Siegelman, the Governor, been effective in problem solving? No, not when it comes to difficult problems that require courage and leadership. Siegleman's Midterm Grade This assessment of Governor Siegelman's first two years in office does not discount the positive accomplishments he has achieved. In many cases, these achievements were in progress before Siegelman took office. Even with these credits, Siegelman, for the reasons stated above, is failing the leadership test. Voter News Network grades Siegelman's overall leadership performance at midterm as D-. WATKINS RESIGNS ASU TRUSTEE POSITION After serving nearly eight years on the Alabama State University Board of Trustees, Voter News Network's Publisher, Donald V. Watkins resigned his post on Monday, May 14, 2001. Watkins, whose term on the board would have expired on January 31, 2002, announced his resignation in a letter to Governor Don Siegelman. Watkins plans to spend his time building Voter News Network into a powerful political force by the 2002 political elections. *Actual Resignation Letter Below* Governor Don Siegelman State Capitol 600 Dexter Avenue, Room N-104 Montgomery, AL 36130 RE: Resignation from ASU Board of Trustees Dear Governor Siegelman: I regret to inform you that I must resign my position as an ASU trustee, effective immediately. Two events at last Friday's board meeting made it clear to me that my vision for ASU is not shared by a majority of the board now led by Chairlady Catherine Wright, in whom you express confidence, and Dr. Joe L. Reed, whom you reappointed to the board two years ago. First, the Board's disparate treatment of newly appointed Trustee Herschell Hamilton has caused irreparable damage with key corporate friends of ASU with whom I work on a daily basis around the world. I cannot be a part of any university board that accords white trustees greater rights and respect than black trustees. As you know, Mr. Hamilton, who is black, replaced Lanny Vines, who is white. Both are non-ASU graduates. The Reed-Wright chairmanship team recognized Vines as a trustee for two years. At Friday's meeting, both Reed and Wright led the attack on Mr. Hamilton's standing as a trustee. This portion of the meeting was ugly, unprofessional and embarrassing. Not only is Mr. Hamilton's track record and professional career unassailable, he also works with some of the top business executives who have taken a significant interest in ASU's stadium and museum project. The treatment of Trustee Hamilton constitutes a slap in the face to those executives who unconditionally extended their time, personnel and worldwide resources to ASU. Second, Chairlady Wright appointed Dr. Reed as Finance Committee Chairman on Friday. Dr. Reed is the staunchest opponent of ASU's move to Division 1-A Football. One of the critical funding steps of the financing plan for elevating ASU to a level of recognized academic excellence was through ASU's stadium and museum project. Dr. Reed has publicly labeled the financing plan that RSA Chief David Bronner termed "brilliant" as "voodoo financing." He has also pledged to do everything in his power to defeat this project. Ms. Wright's appointment of Dr. Reed as Finance Committee Chairman strategically assures that he would have to be included in the ongoing talks and negotiations of the potential corporate sponsorship deals. Dr. Reed's entrenched personal opposition to the project would certainly kill these sponsorship talks. Now that Dr. Reed is Finance Chairman, any further time spent by me on the project would merely be an exercise in futility. I want to publicly thank former Governor Jim Folsom, Jr. for affording me the opportunity to serve on the ASU Board. I would also like to thank the faculty, staff and students who supported me throughout my 8-year term. Sincerely, Donald V. Watkins DVW/alb cc: Dr. Roosevelt Steptoe. ALFRED SEAWRIGHT KNOWN AS "RISING POLITICAL LEADER" In Alabama, many political observers refer to Alfred Seawright as a "rising political leader with a business background." This made the Montgomery native a prime candidate for a newfound independent political organization, Voter News Network. As one of the ten organizers during last January's brainstorming session in Tampa, Florida, spearheaded by Donald V. Watkins, Publisher of Voter News Network, Seawright helped to identify ways to create a greater presence for middle class blacks and political independent thinkers. As a result of that meeting, Voter News Network, The Official Voice of Independent Voters, was born. Seawright is credited with creating the program of earmarking $1 million to support candidates in the 2002 elections who understand and support the pocketbook issues endorsed by Voter News Network. Seawright now heads the taskforce that will determine how the organizers will spend the $1 million in the areas of: (1) voter education and registration activities; (2) voter turnout activities; and, (3) campaign contributions for candidates. Seawright has been a longtime political activist. He has been organizing communities and voter groups for over a decade. He is energetic and focused. Seawright has never been afraid to challenge the political system. He constantly places the concerns of his constituents ahead of his personal interests. "Voters today are concerned that the issues that affect our lives and the lives of our children are not receiving enough attention from those positioning themselves for elected office", Seawright said. "I want to know from each candidate seeking my vote and financial support, what his or her positions are on the pocketbook issues that concern my customers, staff, community and family. No one seems to care about what we think and how we feel until we hold them politically accountable." Seawright is President of Medical Place, Incorporated, a medical equipment supplier housed in a new 13,000 square foot office showroom in Montgomery, Alabama. Though his current venue is Alabama, Seawright is preparing to launch a national project that would make Medical Place, Inc. the largest medical supplier in the United States. For over 18 years, Medical Place has supplied medical and laboratory equipment and supplies nationwide. According to Seawright, it's the "support of his employees and the encouragement of his customers" that assures Medical Place a promising future as a national player in the healthcare industry. Seawright is a self-made businessman. He is a smart and effective entrepreneur. Seawright has made his mark in the business world by creating jobs and delivering value to his customers. His rise in the political world has flowed from his ability to effectively challenge the existing political system. Q: WHY WOMEN? A: WHY NOT WOMEN? By Natalie Davis We keep hearing that Alabama is 47th in this, 45th in that, 50th in something else. Almost all of the indicators point to low levels of commitment when it comes to the whole question of taking care of our people. Whether it's education, children, seniors, or quality of life, Alabama seems to rank at the bottom on a fairly consistent basis. Any number of rationales have been offered-we are a poor state; we are under-taxed; we are under-educated. I have another take on this. I think we would rank better on most of these quality of life indicators if more women were elected to public office in Alabama. It is no accident that we rank 50th in legislative effectiveness and 50th in the number of women in the Alabama Legislature. This has to do with the inability of our Legislature to make law and public policy which can positively affect the quality of life for all of our citizens. Please do not assume I'm just in a male-bashing mood. I have never made the argument that women are better or smarter. I don't think we are. But I do think we bring a set of rich experiences which, taken together, allow us to see the world differently and create priorities which our fathers, brothers, and husbands, do not share. Women are by and large the caretakers of our society. We birth children, we send them to school, we work with them on their homework, we take care of the health needs of our family, and we take on the burden of caring for our elderly. It is not that men don't share these concerns--of course they do--but they confront them less on a daily basis. We see these problems in ways that differ from our male counterparts. Would Alabama be different if fifty percent of the Legislature was composed of women? Would we set different priorities? Would we spend more time fixing the education mess than worrying about casinos and video poker? I think the Legislature would be a different place-I even think it would be a better place. In the 1998 elections in Alabama, we took steps to improve on all of this. To that point, only six women held legislative seats-in 1998, the number nearly doubled to eleven. Let me review what else happened in 1998; I think you'll be surprised. I counted twenty-one different statewide offices on the ballot. From Governor to Attorney General to State Treasurer to State Board of Education, eleven of the seats were won by Democrats and ten by Republicans. Of the eleven won by Democrats, eight were women; only one woman Republican was elected statewide in the 1998 cycle. In the year 2000, some women won again. We are moving in the right direction, but we need to move more quickly. There are enormous obstacles for women who run for public office in our state. We have interest groups and power brokers who could care less about the bottom line in governing. What they care about is keeping what they have and being sure no one else gets a piece of it. That works against the public interest, and it works against electing women. Women tend to raise embarrassing questions; they almost always seriously challenge the status quo. They see an issue and want to resolve it. That has not been our history, and consequently, power brokers tend to see women as rather threatening. But if all of us -power brokers and average citizens-are willing to understand that by keeping our eyes on the prize, that is, by thinking beyond our self-interest, we can do better. A number of women will be running for public office in the 2002 elections. Take a look at them. Think whether our state would be better if those woman were elected. Forget whether she is challenging an incumbent. Forget whether she has held public office before. Forget whether she comes from a different part of the state from where you live. Think independently. If we can do that, I think we can elect more women, and if we elect more women, the state will be better for it. All of us -power brokers and average citizens-need to realize that when we keep our eyes on the prize, when we think beyond our self-interest, we can change Alabama forever. Our children will thank us for it. (Natalie Davis - no relation to Artur Davis - is Professor of Political Science at Birmingham-Southern College. She currently serves as President of THE ALABAMA SOLUTION, a non-partisan organization which supports women running for public office in Alabama.) MIDDLE CLASS BLACK VOTERS KEY TO VICTORY IN 2002 ELECTIONS By Artur Davis Surprisingly strong in numbers, the black upper middle class has surged into prominence this 2002 election cycle. African Americans earning combined incomes between $80,000 and 200,000 are thought to be the only malleable part of the Democratic Party's otherwise impregnable black base. At the same time, upper middle-income blacks are a potentially decisive bloc within the Democratic Party itself. Less anchored to the tyranny of sample ballots than low-income earners of either race, and more likely to vote than most demographic sectors, upper to middle-income blacks will dictate the outcome of a number of Democratic primary contests in the spring of 2002. So, in light of this emerging strength, is there a consistent blueprint for winning the loyalty of the middle to upper income African American voter? Three propositions come to mind; first, even economically secure black voters typically feel constrained by glass ceilings. Mortgage and lending discrimination are a reality; property values in most black suburban enclaves are stagnant; and blacks in corporate settings are too often relegated to the low-profile roles of human resources and community relations. Therefore, Republican rhetoric about color-blindness is at odds with the black middle class' perception of continuing racial struggle. Robust anti-discrimination remedies, such as stricter federal laws against red-lining in the banking industry, are still popular among affluent blacks. Second, empty symbolism for this group of voters is of diminishing relevance. Republicans are probably harvesting false gold when they seek to entice affluent black voters with the lure of a few high-profile appointments. At the same time, Democrats miss the mark if they fixate on reparations and expanded voting opportunities for felons-causes that are arguably worthy, but peripheral to the daily conditions of black voters. Third, relatively affluent black voters still have a strong social conscience. Volunteerism and active church participation are matters of course in even the most well heeled black suburbs; in addition, economic success is only one generation deep in many black households. Therefore, the unmet agenda of mitigating poverty, reducing income inequality, and expanding health care for the uninsured still enjoys wide popular appeal among high income blacks. It is a mistake to assume that the middle to upper income black voter is fundamentally ideological, or to think that he or she relates to public policy in label-driven terms. At the same time, the persistent Democratic leanings of this voter base are not accidental, and for most affluent blacks, they arise out of sentiments that Democrats are more in line with their world view than Republicans. Republicans are thinking wishfully, and futilely, if they imagine gains among blacks without a commensurate shift in the planks of the Republican platform. At the same time, Democrats aiming to maintain the loyalty of suburban blacks should recognize a pragmatic strand in the black community. Middle to upper income blacks are not reflexively anti-business; nor are they prone to be less supportive than whites of strict sentences for repeat criminal offenders. The death penalty, to cite another example, is widely disapproved among black social activists, but just as widely supported by affluent blacks. On emerging issues such as partial birth abortions, black professionals are not reliably "liberal" or "conservative" in their outlook. It is no accident that the Democratic politician whose popularity is most enduring among black professionals is none other than the ideological chameleon of our times, Bill Clinton-who wrote welfare's obituary and who governed largely from the center. A policy agenda crafted to appeal to this new class of black voter might have the following characteristics: it would likely favor an expanded federal presence in the health care field, whether in the form of prescription drug benefits for seniors, or in the form of tax credits for small businesses to expand health insurance coverage. It would be equally supportive of political and judicial efforts to eliminate funding disparities between urban and rural school districts. At the same time, such an agenda would recognize that tax relief, and yes, tax cuts, are not automatically unfair or necessarily examples of Robin Hood in reverse: the marriage penalty, for example, punishes black couples striving toward affluence, and the estate tax in its present form is no benefit for black businesses aspiring to second generation status. A winning political message, for the upwardly mobile black voter, would avoid empty appeals to racial solidarity while still recognizing the racial character of certain forms of modern injustice. A winning message would undoubtedly echo both the conservative theme of self-reliance and the more progressive mantra of community obligation. Finally, for the modern, professional black voter, personal character would count. Not character in the clichéd, tabloid sense, but character as a continuing commitment to the public good rather than to individual enrichment. Ethics are not out of fashion. Some set of candidates, in 2002 and in the future, will get the formula just about right. In the process, the quality of politics and policy will rise up several notches. (Artur Davis is an Attorney in Birmingham who challenged Congressman Earl Hilliard in the Democratic Primary in 2000.) DEVIL RAYS NOT FOR SALE, WATKINS EYES OTHER VENTURES After being highlighted in virtually every major media outlet for his ownership pursuit of Major League Baseball's Tampa Bay Devil Rays, Donald V. Watkins has decided to put the project on the back burner. The Rays had reportedly looked into retaining an investment banker to evaluate the teams' financial future, including the possibility of selling the team. Watkins contacted the team and the league to express his interest in ownership of the franchise. *Forbes* magazine recently valued the team at $150 million. An official response was not forthcoming. After setting a deadline for a decision from the team, Watkins received a fax from Rays managing general partner Vince Naimoli saying, "We have not retained an investment banker, but when and if we do, we would certainly make them aware of your letter and provide a copy to them." Though Watkins still has interest in ownership of a professional sports team, MLB or otherwise, he has switched gears to develop another venture in California. According to Watkins, the California deal does not involve sports. SPECIAL BULLETIN LEGISLATIVE SESSION ENDS WITH GOOD NEWS FOR CONSUMERS State representative William Parker (D-Birmingham) made good on his commitment to consumers to kill two bad pieces of legislation sponsored by the banking and payday lending industries. As promised, Parker defeated a bill that would have reduced residential property owners' one-year statutory right to redeem their property in foreclosure. The legislation would allow large farmers, foresters and ranchers to retain their one-year right of redemption. Parker call this legislation "affirmative action for the rich and powerful", and vowed that it would never see the governors' desk. Parker also defeated a "legal loan sharking" bill sponsored by the payday lending industry. The legislation would have allowed payday lenders to receive exorbitant returns and rollover fees on small loans to retired and working class Alabamians. Both victories came after Parker waged a 14-hour, unrelenting fight, with the aid and assistance of key legislative allies on the last day of the Regular Session. Parker has told Voter News Network that his focus in the next session of the legislature will be on capping ATM fees for bank customers. Lawmakers refused to vote on Parker's efforts this session to cap ATM fees. Inside the Capitol, Parker has earned a reputation for being the number one consumer protection advocate in the legislature. Parker is a first term legislator who has a pro-consumer legislative agenda.