Volume
1 Issue 4 - June 2001
Artur Davis
"A winning political message, for the upwardly mobile black voter, would avoid empty appeals to racial solidarity while still recognizing the racial character of certain forms of modern injustice."
By Artur Davis
Surprisingly strong in numbers, the black upper middle class has surged into prominence this 2002 election cycle. African Americans earning combined incomes between $80,000 and 200,000 are thought to be the only malleable part of the Democratic Party's otherwise impregnable black base. At the same time, upper middle-income blacks are a potentially decisive bloc within the Democratic Party itself. Less anchored to the tyranny of sample ballots than low-income earners of either race, and more likely to vote than most demographic sectors, upper to middle-income blacks will dictate the outcome of a number of Democratic primary contests in the spring of 2002.
So, in light of this emerging strength, is there a consistent blueprint for winning the loyalty of the middle to upper income African American voter? Three propositions come to mind; first, even economically secure black voters typically feel constrained by glass ceilings. Mortgage and lending discrimination are a reality; property values in most black suburban enclaves are stagnant; and blacks in corporate settings are too often relegated to the low-profile roles of human resources and community relations. Therefore, Republican rhetoric about color-blindness is at odds with the black middle class' perception of continuing racial struggle. Robust anti-discrimination remedies, such as stricter federal laws against red-lining in the banking industry, are still popular among affluent blacks.
Second, empty symbolism for this group of voters is of diminishing relevance. Republicans are probably harvesting false gold when they seek to entice affluent black voters with the lure of a few high-profile appointments. At the same time, Democrats miss the mark if they fixate on reparations and expanded voting opportunities for felons-causes that are arguably worthy, but peripheral to the daily conditions of black voters.
Third, relatively affluent black voters still have a strong social conscience. Volunteerism and active church participation are matters of course in even the most well heeled black suburbs; in addition, economic success is only one generation deep in many black households. Therefore, the unmet agenda of mitigating poverty, reducing income inequality, and expanding health care for the uninsured still enjoys wide popular appeal among high income blacks.
It is a mistake to assume that the middle to upper income black voter is fundamentally ideological, or to think that he or she relates to public policy in label-driven terms. At the same time, the persistent Democratic leanings of this voter base are not accidental, and for most affluent blacks, they arise out of sentiments that Democrats are more in line with their world view than Republicans. Republicans are thinking wishfully, and futilely, if they imagine gains among blacks without a commensurate shift in the planks of the Republican platform.
At the same time, Democrats aiming to maintain the loyalty of suburban blacks should recognize a pragmatic strand in the black community. Middle to upper income blacks are not reflexively anti-business; nor are they prone to be less supportive than whites of strict sentences for repeat criminal offenders. The death penalty, to cite another example, is widely disapproved among black social activists, but just as widely supported by affluent blacks. On emerging issues such as partial birth abortions, black professionals are not reliably "liberal" or "conservative" in their outlook. It is no accident that the Democratic politician whose popularity is most enduring among black professionals is none other than the ideological chameleon of our times, Bill Clinton-who wrote welfare's obituary and who governed largely from the center.
A policy agenda crafted to appeal to this new class of black voter might have the following characteristics: it would likely favor an expanded federal presence in the health care field, whether in the form of prescription drug benefits for seniors, or in the form of tax credits for small businesses to expand health insurance coverage. It would be equally supportive of political and judicial efforts to eliminate funding disparities between urban and rural school districts. At the same time, such an agenda would recognize that tax relief, and yes, tax cuts, are not automatically unfair or necessarily examples of Robin Hood in reverse: the marriage penalty, for example, punishes black couples striving toward affluence, and the estate tax in its present form is no benefit for black businesses aspiring to second generation status.
A winning political message, for the upwardly mobile black voter, would avoid empty appeals to racial solidarity while still recognizing the racial character of certain forms of modern injustice. A winning message would undoubtedly echo both the conservative theme of self-reliance and the more progressive mantra of community obligation.
Finally, for the modern, professional black voter, personal character would count. Not character in the clichéd, tabloid sense, but character as a continuing commitment to the public good rather than to individual enrichment. Ethics are not out of fashion.
Some set of candidates, in 2002 and in the future, will get the formula just about right. In the process, the quality of politics and policy will rise up several notches.
(Artur Davis - not related to Natalie Davis- is an Attorney in Birmingham who challenged Congressman Earl Hilliard in the Democratic Primary in 2000.)
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SIEGELMAN FAILS LEADERSHIP TEST
Commentary By: Donald V. Watkins
U.S. SENATOR JEFFORDS SPLITS FROM REPUBLICAN PARTY, POWER SHIFTS IN WASHINGTON
SPECIAL BULLETIN:
LEGISLATIVE SESSION ENDS WITH GOOD NEWS FOR CONSUMERS
ALFRED SEAWRIGHT KNOWN AS "RISING POLITICAL LEADER"
WATKINS RESIGNS ASU TRUSTEE POSITION (the actual resignation letter)
Q: WHY WOMEN? A: WHY NOT WOMEN?
By: Natalie Davis
MIDDLE CLASS BLACK VOTERS KEY TO VICTORY IN 2002 ELECTIONS
By: Artur Davis
DEVIL RAYS NOT FOR SALE, WATKINS EYES OTHER VENTURES